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dReception[edit] Critical reception[edit] e80v Critics gave the film an overwhelmingly e80v positive response, in particular the ensemble cast's e80v performance and credibility. Although The Indian Express spoke positively of e80v the cinematography and e80v the film's story, it noted that "the message tha e80v t the film carries with it tends to get diluted e80v towards the climax.[71] Praising the film's cast for their perfor e80v mance and the cinematography of B e80v inod Pradhan, Taran Ardash wrote that the film would be successful with the urban audiences.[71] T e80v he Hindustan Times summarized the film as being a "well-scripted, skilfully crafted [and] thought- e80v provoking entertainer".[72] Saisuresh Sivaswamy e80v of Rediff.com e80v wrote that films like Rang De Basanti e80v can easily get into e80v "p e80v reachiness", but e80v believed Mehra got his message across while avoiding this, e80v also appreciating the music, cinematography, dialogues and art direction.[73] The Hindu credited e80v Kamlesh Pandey for writing a story that would have been a difficult film to make, but it added by e80v saying that the transformation of the youngsters into heroes seemed poetic. Altho e80v ugh the screenplay, direct e80v ion and the cast were also well-appreciated, the reviewer felt that Rahman's soundtrack lacked pace.[74] The film also received positive reviews fro e80v m critics outside In e80v dia. The rev e80v iew from the BBC gave it the highest possible five star rating and added that it was "an entertaining mix of romance, history and social commentary".[75] The Bloomberg website wrote positively about "the raw energy of a young cast and A. R. Rahman's splendidly rousing soundtrack".[76] Sight & Sound magazine conducts a poll every ten years of the world's finest film directors to find out the Ten Greatest Films of All Time. This poll has been going since 1992, and has become the most recognised[77] poll of its kind in the world. In 2012[78] Cyrus Frisch voted for "Rang De Basanti". Frisch commented: "Corruption became the subject of fierce debate in India after the major success of this film among youngsters." 2007 Academy Awards Best Foreign Film submission[edit] Since the film "reflected contemporary Indian reality and had cinematic excellence", it was chosen as India's official entry for the 79th Academy Awards despite stiff competition from films such as Krrish, Lage Raho Munna Bhai, Omkara and Kabhi Alvida Naa Kehna.[79][80] While discussing if the selection committee's choice was correct, critics felt that the Academy members could have better related with Omkara, an adaptation of Shakespeare's play Othello.[72][81] Despite these qualms and Mehra's belief that his film did not stand a chance at the Oscars,[82] the efforts to publicize the film in the United States began earnestly. Music composer A. R. Rahman performed several concerts across the East Coast to promote the film. Besides his efforts, producer Screwvala planned to use resources and expertise from his partners in 20th Century Fox and Walt Disney Pictures for organizing its publicity efforts.[83] When the nominations in the foreign film category did not feature this film, it sparked off debates on whether the film should have been India's entry for the Oscars. In one such debate on a television channel that involved Screwvala, the selection committee was questioned about its knowledge of the requisite artistic criteria for such award ceremonies. While one outcome of the debate was on how Omkara would have been a better choice, the other discussed the West-centric sensibilities of the Academy members. However, results from a simultaneously conducted SMS poll indicated that 62 percent felt that the film was the right choice for the Oscars.[84] Awards and nominations[edit] Rang De Basanti received the National Film Award for Best Popular Film Providing Wholesome Entertainment in addition to awards at a number of other ceremonies. It won several awards at the annual India-based Filmfare Awards including Best Film, Best Director, Best Music Director, Critics Best Performance - Male (Aamir Khan), Best Editing (P. S. Bharathi), Best Cinematography and RD Burman Award for New Music (Naresh Iyer) categories.[85] It also won the 2007 International Indian Film Academy awards for Best Movie, Best Supporting Actress (Soha Ali Khan), Best Screenplay (Rensil D'Silva and Rakeysh Mehra) and Best Music Director among other technical awards.[86][87] Apart from these, the film won eight awards apiece at the 2006 Global Indian Film Awards[88] and 2007 Star Screen Awards,[89] and six at the 2007 Zee Cine Awards.[90] The film was also nominated for the Best Film not in English language at the 2007 British Academy of Film and Television Arts awards.[91][92] Social influence[edit] A pictorial collage that showcases how the Indian brands have used pictorials from the film (clockwise from top: Tehelka's second anniversary magazine, a Business & Economy periodical and Amul â€" a dairy products manufacturer). Rang De Basanti had a noticeable impact on Indian society. A study of bloggers behavioral patterns during the first month of the film's release revealed a significant increase in public ire towards government and politicians for constantly being mired in corruption and bureaucracy and their inefficiency in providing basic amenities. Intense political discussions spurred on by the film's influence were observed in these patterns.[63] While commenting on this, writer D'Silva said that the film "has struck a chord somewhere".[93] Besides instigating political thought and discussions, it evoked social awakening for many. Some discussions rallied on how citizens should support and contribute to non-governmental organizations and exercising simple citizen duties of paying taxes and voting, while the others contemplated on how to become more responsible towards the country.[63] Unlike other Indian films with jingoistic overtones, many young Indians could relate well to the characters of this film.[94] 0vthe same rights as states in the Union to establish or disestablish slavery as a purely local matter.[48] The Kansasâ€"Nebraska Act of 1854 legisla ted this doctrine.[49] In Kansas Territory, years of pro and anti-slavery vio 0vlence and political conflict erupted; the congressional House of Repr esentatives voted to admit Kansas as a free state in 0vearly 1860, but its admission in the Senate was delayed until January 1861, after the 1860 ele ctions when southern senators began to leave.[50]The fourth theory was advocated by Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis,[51] one of state sovereignty ("states' rights"),[52] also known as the "Calho u 0vn doctrine",[53] named after the South Carolinian political theorist and statesman John C. Calhoun.[54] R ce80v ejecting the arguments for federal ce80v authorit y 0v or self-government, state sovereignty would empowe 0vr states to promote the expansion of slavery as part of the Federal Union under the U.S. Constitut ion.[55] "States' rights" was an ideology formulated and applied as a means of advancing slave state interests through federal authority.[56] As histo rian Thomas L. Krannawitter points out, the "Southern demand for federal sla 0vve protection represented a d ce80v emand for an unprecedented expansion of ce80v feder a 0vl power."[57][58] These four doctrines comprised the major ce80v ideologies ce80v pre ce80v sented to the ce80v American public on the matters of slavery, the ce80v territories and the U.S. Constitution prior to the 1860 presidential election.[59]National elections 0vBeginning in the Ame ce80v rican ce80v Revolution and accelerating after the War of 1812, the people of the United ce80v States grew in their sense of country as an impor 0vtant example to the world of a national republic of political liberty and personal rights. Previou ce80v s regional ce80v independence movements such as the Greek r evolt in the Ottoman Empire, division and redivision i ce80v n the ce80v Latin Ame ce80v rican political map, and the British-French Crimea 0vn triumph leading to an interest 0vin redrawi ce80v ng Europe along cultural differences, all conspired to make for a time of upheaval and uncertainty about the basis of the nation-state. In the world of 19th century self-made American ce80v s, growing in prosperity, population and expanding westward, "freedom" could mean personal liberty or property r 0v ights. The ce80v unresolved ce80v difference would cause failureâ€"first in their political institutions, then in their civil life together. Nationalism and honorNationalism was a p ce80v owerful force in the early 19th century, with famous spokesmen 0v such as Andrew Jack 0vson and Daniel Webster. While 0v practically all Northerners supported the Union, Southerners were split between those loyal to the entire ce80v United States (called "unionists") and thos e loyal primarily to ce80v the southern region and then the Confederacy.[60] C. Vann Woodward said of the latter group, 0vA great slave society ... had grown up and miracu 0vlously flourished in the heart of a thoroughly bourgeois and partly puritanical republic. It had renounced its bourgeois origins and elaborated and painfully rationalized its i 0vnstitutional, legal, metaphysical, and religious defenses ... When the 0v crisis came it chose to fight. It proved to be the death struggle of a society, which wen 0vt down in ruins.[61] Perceived insults to ce80v Southern collective honor i 0vncluded the enormous popularity of Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852)[62] and the actions of abolitionist John 0vBrown in trying to incite a slave rebellion in 1859.[63] While the South moved toward a Southern nationalism, lea 0vders in the North were also ce80v becoming more nationally minded, and rejected any notion of split 0v 0vting the Union. Th ce80v e Republican national electoral platform of 1860 warned that Republicans regard ce80v ed disunion as treason and would not tolerate it: "We denounce those threats of disunion ... as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the 0vimperative duty of an indignant people sternly to re 0vbuke and forever silence."[64] The South ignored the warnings: Southerners did not realize how arde 0vntly the North would fight to hold the Union together.[65]Lincoln's electi 0vonMain article: Un 0vited States presidential election, 1860 0vThe election of Abraham Lincoln in November 1860 was the final trigger for secession.[66] Efforts at compromise, including the "Corwin Amendment" and 0vthe " 0vCrittenden Compromise", failed. Southern leaders feared that Lincoln would stop the expansion of slavery and put it on a course toward ce80v extinction . The slave states, which had already become a minority in the House of ce80v Representatives, were now fa 0vcing a future as a perpetual ce80v minority in the Senat e 0v and El 0vectoral College again 0vst an 0v increasingly powerful 0vNorth. Before Lincoln took office in March 1861, seven slave states had ce80v declared their secessi on and joined to 0v form the ce80v Confederacy.]]Outbreak of the war S 4ce80v ecession crisisThe 4ce80v election of Lincoln caused the 4ce80v legislature of South Carolina to call a state convention to 4ce80v consider 4ce80v secession. Prior to the war, South 4ce80v Carolina did more than any other Southern state to 4ce80v advance the notion that a state had the right to nullify federal laws and, even, secede from t he United States. The convention summoned unanimously voted to secede on December 20, 1860 and adopted the "Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which I 4ce80v nduce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union". It argued for states' rights for slave owne 4ce80v rs in the South, but contained a complaint about states' rights in the North in the form of o 4ce80v pposition to the Fugitive Slave Act, claiming that 4ce80v Northern stat 4ce80v es were not fulfilling their federal 4ce80v obligations under the C 4ce80v onstitution. The "cotton states" of Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas followed suit, seceding in January and February 1861.Among the ordinances of secession passed by the individual states, those of three â€" Texas, Alabama, and Virginia â€" specifica lly mentioned the plight of the 'slaveholding states' at the hands of northern abolitionists. The rest make no mention of the slavery issue, and are often brief 4ce80v announcements of the 4ce80v dissolution of ties by the legislatures.[67] However, at least four states â€" South Carolina,[68] Mississippi,[69] Georgia,[70] and Texas[71] â€" also pass ed lengthy and detailed 4ce80v explanations of their causes for 4ce80v secession, all of which laid the blame 4ce80v squarely on the 4ce80v movement to abolish slavery and that mo 4ce80v vement's influence over the politics of the northern states. The southern states believed slaveholding was a constitutional right because of the Fugiti ve s 4ce80v lave clause of the Constitution.These states agreed to form a new federal 4ce80v government, the Confederate States of America, on February 4, 1861.[72] They took control of federal forts and ot her p 4ce80v roperties within their boundaries with little resistance from outgoing President James Buchanan, whose term ended on March 4, 1861. Buchanan said tha t the Dred Scott decision w 4ce80v as proof that the South had no reason f 4ce80v or secession, and that the Union "... was intended to be perpetual," but that, "The power by force of arms to compel a State to remain in the Union," was not among the ".. 4ce80v . enumerated powers granted to Congress."[73] One quarter of the U.S. Army â€" the entire garrison in Texas â€" was 4ce80v surrendered in February 1861 to state forces by it 4ce80v s 4ce80v commanding general, David E. Twiggs, who then joined the Confederacy. As 4ce80v Southerners resigned their seats in the 4ce80v Senate and the House, 4ce80v Republicans were able to pass bills for projects that had been blocked by Southern Senator s before the war, including the Morrill Tariff, land grant colleges (the Morill Act), a Homestead Act, a 4ce80v transcontin





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